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06 May 2024Blackguard & Demagogues

Blackguard & Demagogues

PHILIP JOHN

 

On the south wall of St Catwg’s church Cadoxton, John Edwards Vaughan is commemorated with an impressive memorial tablet which has a coffin in relief.  It records the facts that he was a Justice of the Peace and Member of Parliament for the County of Glamorgan and, although of Rheola, that he died at his house in Regent Street, London and is buried in Lambeth Church.  He was baptised In the Church of St Mary, Lambeth on 29th March 1772, the son of John Edwards and his wife Catherine – a fact that would be used to challenge him later in life.  Edwards senior, an engineer and inventor, had his son articled in 1788 to Hugh White of the Inner Temple with the result that he was admitted as an attorney of the King's Bench in 1793.  Edwards senior, whose residence was Belvedere House, Vine Street, Lambeth, purchased the Rheola and Hendreallwn farms in 1799 for which he paid the princely sum of 3,000 guineas.  He subsequently engaged John Nash (the architect who is remembered for his work on Buckingham Palace, Regent's Park and Regent Street, to name but a few of his illustrious works) to design the country house that is Rheola, and which was built sometime between 1811 and 1813 [Rheola House was illustrated by Thomas Hornor who advertised his pending pictorial survey of Wales in The Cambrian newspaper in 1814].

Through advantageous marriages and inheritances Edwards junior, of Red Lion Square and King’s Bench Walk, London, substantially increased his wealth which he had achieved as a parliamentary solicitor.  In 1799 he married, in St Catwg’s church, Ann Williams, the daughter and sole heiress of solicitor and estate manager Thomas Williams of Cwrt Herbert.   Williams died in 1802 followed by his daughter in 1807 and in that same year Edwards remarried to Sarah, widow of James Dalton of Russell Square, Bloomsbury, London and daughter of Daniel Parkin, cordwainer and his wife Sarah Barwis.  Sarah had three children with Dalton and two with Edwards.  Her children with Edwards were Nash Vaughan Edwards and Jessie Edwards born at their residence in Bloomsbury. 

In 1815 The Cambrian newspaper reported the death of Thomas Barnes [Barwis] ‘at his house in Wandsworth, Surrey, the uncle of Mrs Edwards, of Rheola, Glamorgan, on whom his immense property devolves.’ 

Following the death in 1817 of Benjamin Hall, the MP for Glamorgan, Edwards junior offered himself as a candidate for parliament on the platform that a businessman should represent the County of Glamorgan.  Whilst he had the support of many notable gentlemen he was detested by those who did not share his political views.  Having failed on this occasion to be elected, Edwards put his name forward again in 1818 when his electioneering tactics were radical to say the least.   The diaries of Lewis Weston Young, who was foremost amongst his opponents, make very interesting, if somewhat biased, reading of the shenanigans employed by Edwards.  Purporting to be a true Welshman and calling himself Edwards y Cymro, the opposition countered by stating that his grandfather came to Glamorgan from Staffordshire and his baptismal certificate from Lambeth was reproduced as a poster.  Dillwyn writes in his diary that;

‘Edwards is engaging a numerous Squad of all sorts of Lawyers and all the Coaches and Chaises in the County and he goes on throwing money in every possible manner.’

One of Edwards’ staunchest supporters was William Vaughan of Lanelay, himself a Barrister at Law and Marshal and Registrar of the Great Sessions for the counties of Glamorgan, Brecon, and

Radnor.  Sir John Nicholl described Edwards as revolutionary having set tenants against landlords.  At the Mackworth Arms Inn, Neath, Edwards and a friend verbally and physically assaulted two Freeholders who refused to promise their votes for Edwards.  An unimaginable set events was to follow with Dillwyn and Edwards accusing each other of improper behaviour.

Edwards was on the verge of being elected unopposed as the other two candidates had withdrawn from the field; both candidates believed they had split the Country Gentlemen handing victory to Edwards as their supporters could not be persuaded to transfer allegiance.  Some Freeholders convened a meeting at the Gnoll

 ‘to ascertain whether it was yet too late to bring some proper person forward to oppose Edwards’ 

It was decided that the only option was to appeal to Sir Christopher Cole to re-enter the contest with a pledged of support of £5,000.00 [Cole had confessed he had no money to throw away in a contest].  Having met with Cole, Dillwyn sent out several letters informing the recipients that

‘the Gentlemen of the County are all coming forward with a determination to support Sir Christopher Cole and to inform all our Friends of this circumstance.’

Edwards was informed that something was afoot, and that letters had been despatched to Dillwyn’s agents, one of which lived at Ynysygerwn.  Edwards decided to pay the agent a visit but on his way met the agent’s son, who seeing that Edwards was in a rush borrowed a horse to return home.  When Edwards arrived at the farm, he was informed that the agent was not at home.  When the lad confirmed that a letter had arrived for his absent father, Edwards persuaded the lad to bring it to him.  After opening the letter, Edwards drove away with the letter and the borrowed horse and with the lad in hot pursuit; Edwards had the letter copied before the lad could retrieve it.  Both Edwards and William Vaughan read its contents to crowds who repeatedly cried shame against the Sheriff.  What followed was a public exchange of claim and counter-claim of miss-doing.  Edwards claimed Dillwyn, as Sheriff, had acted illegally and brought shame upon the office of Sheriff by openly supporting one candidate over another.  On the other hand, what right had Edwards to make enquires of Dillwyn’s letters, let alone read and copy them?   Edwards’s tactics appeared to have paid off, for on polling day Dillwyn was dismayed to find that neither Cole nor any of his supporters were present.  In the end Edwards was elected unopposed and as Sheriff it was Dillwyn’s duty to declare Edwards duly elected as the Representative of Glamorgan on 29th June 1818.  According to newspaper reports, on Edwards’s first visit to Swansea as County Representative ‘an immense crowd cheered as the new MP was chaired through the principal streets of the town before departing for London.’  Edwards’s election campaign had cost him an estimated £12,000.

In October 1818 Edwards’s father died at his home Belvedere House, Lambeth, bequeathing ‘all and singular my real and personal Estates and Effects Whatsoever and Wheresoever unto and for the use of my dear son of Bloomsbury Square…’ while his wife Catherine was to benefit from the annual proceeds generated from these estates.

Controversy and discrimination continued to dog Edwards long after his appointment as County Representative.  Edwards at the time of his nomination in 1818 had been a practising solicitor which would bar him from being elected.   He pledged that he would apply to the Courts of King’s Bench and Common Pleas to have his name removed from their rolls.   In February 1819 a rebuttal to a previously published article in The Cambrian newspaper stated that Mr John Edwards had not been struck off the rolls; he had not in fact applied to be removed until the November of 1818.  In August Edwards enjoyed a four day cruise with the Prince Regent only to be snubbed in September when, at the Grand Jury Dinner, the customary toast to the County Member was overlooked.  John Edwards’s hour of triumph was however short lived.  The death of King George III on 29th January 1820 resulted in Parliament being dissolved on 29th February 1820.  An early opportunity had presented itself for the principal gentlemen of the county to rid themselves of the “low lived blackguard!”

Shortly after the election of Edwards in 1818, Dillwyn recorded in his diary that at a meeting of Sir Christopher Cole and his friends, it was agreed immediately to raise a fund by subscription ‘to support the independence of the county and thus to prevent our representatives from being again carried off by the mere weight of Purse.’  The treasurers of this “coalition of wealth” were Henry John Grant of Gnoll Castle and the ironmaster Richard Hill of Llandaff House.  Eventually a total of £19,700 would be made available for election expenditure. 

Even before the candidates for the 1820 election had declared, rumour and counter rumour were spreading through the county with accusations of impropriety requiring public rebuttal.  The candidates for this election were the same three as at the last: Sir Christopher Cole, John Edwards and William Booth Grey.  Cole’s election campaign appears to have suffered the most physical abuse.  Whilst canvasing in Swansea market his supporters were infiltrated by opposition supporters with the result that fighting broke out between the two sets.  On another occasion, in Neath, stones were thrown at Dillwyn, being a supporters of Cole.  Dillwyn chronicled in his diary ‘I was severely struck on the Thigh, but pursued and succeeded in detecting the offender.’  It appears that “Coleites” were fair game with assaults taking place all over the County of Glamorgan.  Dillwyn writes that he was assaulted most violently in Merthyr by a party of Crawshays, but [miraculously] escaped without injury.  The election commenced at Bridgend on the 16th March 1820, where all three candidates were proposed and seconded and the bribery oath administered in English and Welsh.  On the first day and second days of polling Edwards came marginally out on top but Booth lagged so far behind he retired from the race.  When Edwards made his big push against Cole with “a great force of tenantry brought to vote,” Booth’s supporters also appeared in numbers to vote for Cole.  After nine days of polling Cole topped the ballot [25th March] and Edwards retired from the race – “A Junta of Demagogues” had prevailed against a low lived blackguard.  Edwards’ brief spell in the House of Commons did not set the house on fire as he had promised.  He spoke only once when presenting a petition on behalf of William Crawshay appealing against a tax on coal.

Edwards may have been overwhelmed at the time by his political defeat but he soon put it behind him; his social calendar was one distraction.  In 1822 Edwards was nominated for the Office of Sheriff of Glamorganshire to which he was appointed for the year of 1823.  A wealthy professional Edwards obviously wanted more in terms of social prestige.  His circle of acquaintances included King George IV with who he privately dined and gifted Providence pineapples grown at Rheola.  Because of the enormous cost in equipment and labour required to grow pineapples in a temperate climate, using hothouses called pineries, pineapples soon became a symbol of wealth.  In October 1826 Edwards presented the King with the largest pineapple ever grown in the kingdom. 

In the summer of 1825 fears had persisted in the circles of Glamorgan’s gentlemen that Edwards planned to make another attempt on the county at the next general election.  However, he was entreated, along with Richard Williams (a London banker), to stand for Wells in Somerset, on the independents’ ticket against the sitting Members.  He and Williams were defeated in the election alleging bribery and intimidation had been used against their supporters.  They also alleged that the mayor had rejected the claims of legitimate voters while allowing the claims of others with no legal right to vote.  A list of 67 individuals who had, allegedly, been improperly permitted to vote was prepared to substantiate their case, but the election committee decided for the sitting Members.

Away from politics Edwards had invested money in John Nash’s projects, including the ill-fated Regent’s Canal Company to which he was Clerk/Solicitor.  Edwards’s investments included the construction of what was to become Wenlock Basin.  It was opened at first by accident in August 1826 when the dam across the entrance gave way and water flooded into the new basin. 

In June 1829 newspapers reported the death of William Vaughan, of Lanelay, a long-time supporter of Edwards who had died at Edwards’ house in Regent Street, London.  Edwards and his children were beneficiaries of Vaughan and so in August that year, by Royal Licence, Edwards “in testimony of his grateful respect to the memory of Mr Vaughan, late of Lanelay, do take and use the surname of Vaughan, in addition to and after that of Edwards.”  Now known as John Edwards Vaughan of Rheola and Lanelay, he made another attempt to represent Wells.  This time he was partnered by John Lee Lee [formerly John Lee Hanning - he assumed the surname Lee in place of Hanning under the will of his uncle, Edward Lee].  During the severe election contest of 1830 Edwards Vaughan was accused of having shady business connections and electors were urged ‘not to be bought or sold for the convenience or profit of a lawyer.’  However, on this occasion Edwards Vaughan and Lee were returned well ahead of the opposition.  Poor health is said to have dogged Edwards Vaughan and that he had suffered a fit of apoplexy accompanied with a loss of sight.  His ill health prevented him from taking much part in parliamentary proceedings forcing him to take an absence from the House.

Rheola House c.1845 (12years after the death of John Edwards Vaughan)

Copyright - V&A Collection - taken by pioneer photographer Rev. Richard Calvert Jones

The social life of the Edwards Vaughan family continued to flourish, but not without its drama.  In February 1831, whilst out with the a local hunt in Ham Green, Buckinghamshire his horse, while in the act of jumping a gate, touched the top bar of the gate which immediately flew open.  The result was horse and rider came to ground with Edwards Vaughan pinned under the horse.  He remounted the horse but within a few minutes fell from the horse and was taken ‘senseless and nearly lifeless to the nearest public house.’ A week after his accident he was reported as making a gradual recovery.  Later that year Queen Adelaide held her second Drawing Room and Court where Miss Edwards Vaughan [Jessy] was presented by her mother.  At the same time Edwards Vaughan attended His Majesty’s Levee which was followed in June by Their Majesties’ Ball which the family attended. Edwards Vaughan’s parliamentary career was not plain sailing.  Wellington supporters had regarded him as one of their ‘friends,’ but his voting surprised many a member.  He voted against the Reform Bill which would broaden the franchise property qualification in the counties to include small landowners, tenant farmers and shopkeepers.  Following the passage of the Reform Act of 1832 parliament was once again dissolved.  Edwards Vaughan announced his intention to stand for election to the next parliament as representative of Wells.  However, on the first day of polling finding himself so far in the minority and suffering extreme bodily affliction, through his agent, Mr Lyons, he addressed the Electors and retired from the contest.  John Edwards Vaughan died, at his house in Regent Street, London, on 9th August 1833 after a long and painful illness.  His body was interred in the Church of St Mary, Lambeth, London, on 15th August 1833. 

He was survived by his wife and two children who have stories of their own to tell.

Sources:

Burke's Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Landed Gentry, Volume 2.

The History of Parliament online.

West Glamorgan Archive Service

Parish records.

Bath Chronicle and Weekly Gazette - 28th April 1796

02 April 2024FOR KING & COUNTRY

FOR KING & COUNTRY

(How  A Neath Priest Disappeared)

ERICA DUNSTER

There is no doubt that at the start of his long adult life Owen Charles Henry King wanted to serve both his heavenly King and his earthly Country.

However, this was not apparent when early in the morning of Sunday 8th October 1899, the congregation of St Joseph’s Roman Catholic Church, Neath gathered in the church, fully expecting to see Rev. Father King, their priest for the last three years, take the service. However, no priest, no service and the people were left to puzzle over his whereabouts in vain. In fact the mystery was never resolved for these parishioners. He had confided in no-one and he had no family in Neath who may have known.

Who was he? Where was he?

He was born on 5th December 1859 in Kentish Town, North London.1  His father was a merchant’s clerk and his mother the daughter of the King’s Lynn gaoler. There appears to have been a crisis in the family before Owen could be baptised, since he was only a few months old when he was sent to live with his paternal aunt’s family in Battersea, South London and his older sister was sent to live with her maternal grandparents in Norfolk. For a few years Owen’s parents were living separately. Owens’s mother took the post of sub-matron at the first Elizabeth Fry Refuge at 195 Mare Street Hackney, London, to help women just released from prison, while his father continued clerking.

 

Owen was brought up in Battersea along with his cousin, Charlotte by his aunt who had married a surgical instrument manufacturer and dealer. Owen is recorded as being with them in both the 1861 and 1871 census.  As a teenager he joined the Merchant Navy and served for several years, later recalling in particular his experience of the ship ‘Darling Downs’ carrying railway iron to Brisbane.2 By 1881, however, he was back with his aunt and cousin in Battersea studying theology at King’s College London, where he was awarded an associateship [i.e. a degree].3

SS Darling Downs - courtesy of State Library of South Australia

 

Owen became an Anglican clergyman in 1883 when he was ordained in a ceremony that took place unusually in a parish church, that of Canton, Cardiff.4 He was appointed curate of Llanfihangel Llantarnam near Cwmbrân, Monmouthshire. It may have been then that his widowed aunt and cousin Charlotte came to live with him and look after him. There must have been some very interesting discussions as Owen was coming to the conclusion that he could best serve God in the Roman Catholic Church. The Western Mail reported on 1st October 1885 that Owen had told his parishioners that he was about to leave the Anglican Church and join the Roman Catholic Church and on 8th October the paper carried a full report of the ceremony which had taken place the day before in St. Peter’s Church, Roath, Cardiff in front of a packed congregation. Owen was described as a ‘slightly-built young man with clean-shaven and rather pleasing face’.

 

Although his aunt died in Llantarnam in 1887, his cousin Charlotte was still living there in 1891. It is possible though that Owen had already moved about 30 miles away to Welsh Bicknor and the Courtfield estate of the Roman Catholic Vaughan family which he served for a number of years officiating at services held on their estate.

 

For some time after his change of allegiance Owen kept a low public profile, only appearing in newspaper reports as giving a fundraising sermon in Holyhead in December 18885 and gaining a St John’s Ambulance Association certificate in Aberdare in June 1890.6

 

However, from the autumn of 1890 at the age of 30, he was ready to launch himself on the social media of the day by pursuing with energy and zeal the promotion of Catholic issues through the press and by lectures and debate. He was particularly concerned to show that apostolic continuity and, therefore, legitimacy only existed in the Catholic Church.7 He now saw the Anglican Church as an (illegitimate) offshoot of the Catholic Church and wanted to persuade others of this, becoming in effect an influencer. He rebutted the idea that the Church of England retained continuity with the pre-reformation church.8 He also argued that Anglican clergymen had no right to ancient endowments of property that were given on condition that certain services were performed, since such clergy were not now performing those services and were not indeed able to perform them (because of the change in religion at the Reformation).9 There was a continuing debate that Owen took part in about the value of ritual in both the Roman Catholic and Anglican Churches.10

 

It was around this time that Owen sprang to the defence of his patron Cardinal Vaughan who was made Archbishop of Westminster in 1892. In 1894 the Archbishop of York questioned the validity of Vaughan’s title and claim to jurisdiction over any part of the UK, calling him ‘the Italian Cardinal’.11 Owen wrote a letter to York published in the Yorkshire Gazette on 17th November 1894 saying, "I have the honour of filling the post of chaplain to the Vaughan family and I herewith avail myself of the liberty of reminding you that your statement is not true. Cardinal Vaughan is an Englishman…”

 

The following year in September 1895, Owen extended his experience of chaplaincy by joining the Indian Transport Service for British forces on their way by ship to India.12 His first trip, on Her Majesty's troopship Britannia, was with 1600 troops on their way to Bombay and his previous experience at sea would have helped. His cousin Charlotte also decided to move from her house in Llantarnam to the small village of Llangwm on the toll road between Usk and Chepstow (a journey from Battersea which I mirrored about a hundred years later, hence my interest in the family).13

Peninsular &Oriental - SS Britannia (Troopship No.3)  - Wikipaedia

It was not much more than a year later though that Owen was back on dry land as a guest at a Mayoral Reception in Neath on 31st December 189614 and he re-entered the Catholic vs Protestant lists with a number of lectures and letters to the press while he was a parish priest in Neath.15

 

As well as defending the Roman Catholic Church in matters of belief and practice, Owen was interested in promoting education. He helped to raise money for Catholic schools16 and in July 1898 stood for election to the Neath School Board which caused a stir among ratepayers who queried whether it was appropriate for a Catholic priest, who already had a (Catholic) school to look after, to be involved in managing local authority schools.17 He replied that he was a ratepayer and could, therefore, put himself forward for election and he canvassed support for a value-for-money approach to managing schools, gaining a place on the school board in the election.18

 

In October 1898 it was at an Anti-Ritualism lecture in Neath that Owen defended himself against personal insinuations made by the speaker in connection with his position as priest.19

A couple of months later Owen reported receiving anonymous threats in connection with his position on the Neath School Board, if he did not support a particular candidate as headmaster.20

Were these the issues that persuaded Owen to remove himself from the public arena?

As darkness fell on Saturday 7th October 1899 he packed a bag, walked out of the house, closed the door and never came back, knowing that his congregation would have no one to take the service the next day. He had not informed his Bishop of his decision, nor the Chair of the School Board and these vacancies had to be filled as soon as possible after much local speculation and no knowledge of the whereabouts of the former parish priest.

On the 28th October 1899 a report appeared in the South Wales Daily Post stating that it had been three weeks since Rev. Father King had disappeared and there had been no service at the church in Neath on Sunday 8th October. The Bishop was investigating but had not heard anything and had to appoint a successor straight away.

 

The report goes on to describe Owen thus ‘Formerly he was a lieutenant in the Navy21 and he was frequently talking of his love for the service. He was very popular locally, and at the election in connection with the Neath School Board, he obtained a high position in the poll. He is a clever speaker and a gentleman of intellect of no mean order. His sudden departure has caused quite a mild sensation locally.’

The South Wales Daily News of 30th October 1899 reported that he ‘left Neath by the night mail train and told an acquaintance that he was rushing away to London in order to be at the War Office early next morning.’

 

What he actually did was to disappear from the record until his death in 1939. He achieved this by dropping his first name, at least for official purposes and in 1911 and 1921 he adjusted his age and place of birth.

As the new century began, Owen now had to find gainful employment and probably used army connections, formed while working in the Indian Transport Service, to obtain a job as male nurse in the Royal Military Hospital in Stoke Damerel, Plymouth,22 which would have been receiving patients from the Boer Wars at that time. He retained his Roman Catholic allegiance, but did not serve as a priest or engage in public debate, only later writing a very occasional letter to the Western Morning News.

One day around this time, Owen, now in his early forties, was visiting a Roman Catholic boys’ school in Launceston, about 25 miles from Plymouth. There he met the housemaid, Ellen Jane Sandercock, about twenty years his junior.23 She was a local girl, elder daughter of John and Susan Sandercock. John had been a seaman in the Royal Navy, but died before Ellen was 12 years old. Susan would have had a small pension and supplemented this by sewing shirts (for sailors?). Ellen would have deputised for her mother in the house and looking after her brother, Ernest and sister Edith. She would have been well able to hold her own in male company, which she needed to do as the school was headed up by two middle-aged single men teaching 11 boys ranging in age from 10-18 years old. There were four female servants: cook, nurse, housemaid (Ellen) and a general servant.

 

Owen was perhaps missing the company of his aunt and cousin. Here was a competent young woman who would be a companion, as well as cook and housekeeper. Ellen saw an unattached young-looking mature man (who removed seven years from his age for her benefit), who was a people-person (he had been well-liked in Neath as a parish priest) and who could support her. They were soon married, not in Launceston or Plymouth, but in Camberwell, Surrey on 13th December 1902. They returned to Plymouth and the event was reported in the Cornish & Devon Post on 20th December and there followed a very affectionate, 33 year marriage.24

A couple of years later Ellen’s sister, Edith, married Frederick John Foster, who was a skilled dock worker. Edith and Ellen were evidently close, as Edith and Frederick named their son, who was born in 1907, Frederick Ernest Owen and in 1911 the two sisters and their families were sharing the same house. Owen had returned to the sea and was a ship’s steward, known as Charles Henry King, born in Weybridge, Surrey in 1866.

The next sighting occurred in 1918, when Owen commented on ‘The Pope and the War’ in the Western Morning News under the name Chas H King.25 Pope Benedict XV had issued a Peace Note in August 1917 in a failed attempt at brokering peace. In January 1918, US President Woodrow Wilson put forward his Fourteen Points (incorporating much of the substance of the Pope’s Peace Note) which eventually led to the 11th November armistice.

In 1921 Owen and Ellen were still in Plymouth. Owen continued to use the name Charles Henry King born in Weybridge in 1866, but at 62 was working on land as a caretaker for a firm of solicitors, Watts & Anthony with offices at 4 Princess Square,26 which is where Owen and Ellen lived.27

Owen and Ellen did not have any children and in 1935 Ellen died aged 56 while she and Owen were living at 4 Princess Square.  With Ellen’s death, Owen at the age of 75 gave up his job and moved to Chudleigh near Newton Abbot, home of the Roman Catholic Clifford family at the Ugbrooke House estate with its St Cyprian’s Chapel in the Diocese of Plymouth. He wrote several letters to the Western Morning News, from Chudleigh, between 1936 and 1938 about Christian doctrine.28

His sister-in-law Edith, who had been widowed in 1933, died in 1937, also aged 56, after poisoning herself when mentally ill. Owen’s cousin Charlotte had died in 1929, so of all the close relatives of his generation, only his younger brother Reginald, in Surrey, and his brother-in-law Ernest, in Plymouth, remained to keep him company.

When Ellen died on 25th August 1935 she left the equivalent today of £51,800 in her Will, probably mostly to Owen. In the three following years, most of this had gone as Owen left behind only the equivalent of £13,300 when he died on 12th January 1939 in his 80th year. Had he given that money away? His executor was John Patrick Barrett, RC Bishop of Plymouth. RIP.

 

A hundred years on, can Owen’s life resonate with ours today? He lived through very stressful times of tectonic shifts in the world order: the Boer Wars, the Great War (WW1) and the Great Depression and he saw the Second World War on the horizon. The differences between Roman Catholic and Anglican beliefs and practices are no longer flashpoints in the public eye, but there are others and always will be. Perhaps what Owen brought to the table was an understanding of both sides of the argument and the ability to explain and persuade in the spirit of service to God his Judge and to his fellow human beings.

_______________________________________________________

1. He was baptised on 24th October 1860 in St Mary, Battersea (with his Norfolk grandmother’s maiden name as his first name) where his birth on 5th December 1859 is also recorded. His birth was registered in Pancras RD and the 1861 census gives his birthplace as Kentish Town, which is in Pancras RD.

2. Western Morning News - 25th May 1938. The Darling Downs was a sail and steam passenger/cargo ship built 1852 and wrecked by collision in 1887, owned by Taylor, Sons & Co, London 1868 - 1887.

3. Weekly Mail - 29th December 1883

4. ibid

5. North Wales Express - 12th October 1888

6. Aberdare Times - 28th June 1890

7. South Wales Daily News - 3rd March 1892

8. Barry Dock News - 25th September 1891

9. Western Mail - 27th September 1892

10. South Wales Daily Post - 29th July 1899

11. South Wales Daily News - 6th December 1894

12. Evening Express – 27th September 1895

13. 1901 Census for Llangwm Uchaf, Monmouthshire

14. South Wales Daily Post – 1st January 1897

15. South Wales Daily Post - 22nd January 1897

16. South Wales Daily News – 2nd December 1898

17. South Wales Daily Post – 26th July 1898

18. South Wales Daily News – 29th July 1898

19. South Wales Daily News - 5th Oct 1898

20. Evening Express – 7th December 1898

21. No official records yet found. The rank of lieutenant belongs to the Royal Navy, not the Merchant Navy. It is possible that Owen was paid equivalent to a lieutenant as chaplain in the Indian Transport Service.

22. 1901 Census for Devonport, Devon

23. 1901 Census for St Stephen by Launceston, Cornwall

24. In ‘A Short History of St Joseph’s Parish’ by Sandra Davies she mentions a letter from Claire Foster, the wife of Ellen King’s nephew, contesting Owen’s Will in which Ellen is described as lavishing affection on her husband.

25. Western Morning News – 27th April 1918

26. Kelly’s Directory, Devon 1919 lists Watts & Anthony, Solicitors at 4 Princess Square, Plymouth

27. Plymouth Electoral Roll, 1927

28.Western Morning News - Between 17th April 1936 and 8th December 1938

04 March 2024Where There's Hope!

WHERE THERE’S HOPE!

Hope Bible Christian Chapel, Melincrythan

(aka ‘Neath Boys’ and Girls’ Club’)

PAUL RICHARDS

This article is a precis of a more substantial article which may be published by the Society at a later date, but which is available for reading/research at the NAS archive.

Summary

‘Neath Boys’ and Girls’ Club’ Melincrythan is located on Briton Ferry Road near the junction with Payne Street and seems oddly set back from the main road. While the club origins go back to at least 1934 the site itself has significant history stretching back to 1859 at which point the land was purchased by local members of the Bible Christian denomination to build not only a chapel which they named ‘Hope’ but also a schoolroom, houses and cottages. This article focuses primarily on the activities of the Bible Christians at the site of their original chapel which ceased services in 1913 with a summary of later utilisation up to the sale of the buildings in 1919 followed by details of subsequent ownership. [Where costs are shown * gives current value]

Bible Christians in Neath & Building ‘Hope’ Bible Christian Chapel 1859

The Bible Christian movement origins lay at Shebbear, Devon circa 1815 becoming progressively more established in South Wales due largely to the mass migration of workers from the West Country to the coalfield areas. In 1841 16-year-old Samuel Hunkin was described as living at ‘Dipper Mill’ in Shebbear, Devon and by 1851 he had a wife, Thirza and they had moved to Neath renting a terraced house at Mile End Row, Melincrythan. A ‘Preacher’s Plan’ of 1850 reveals Bible Christian meetings were already being held at their home. Hunkin would prove to be an industrious man, subsequent censuses indicating occupations of mason (1851, 1861), butcher (1871), farmer (1881), butcher (1891). Meetings and services continued to be held at Mile End Row into 1859 by which time members had succeeded in raising £100 (*£9,733) such that on January 6, 1859 freehold land was purchased which sat between the now Briton Ferry Road and Crythan Road being described in the 1846 tithe map as ‘Slag banks and waste ground’. The intention was to build a chapel, schoolroom and five cottages.

Soon after obtaining the land deeds it was reported (The Swansea and Glamorgan Herald 9/3/1859) that on Tuesday March 1, 1859 the foundation stone of the new ‘Bible Christian Chapel and School-room at Melincrythan, Neath, was laid by Mr. James Kenway, the mayor, at three o’clock in the afternoon. The chapel will be situated in the midst of a large and increasing population and there is no other Dissenting place of worship in the immediate locality.’ It was stated that the original contractor for the build, Mr. Matthews did not complete the work and departed for America so it fell upon local chapel members to continue with the work. As soon as legally permitted they duly completed the chapel, schoolroom and five cottages, two of which were built facing the main road. These latter two cottages (houses) either-side of the chapel fronted the main road becoming part of the row of houses known at that time as Brecon Terrace. An undated clear plan of the area, fig.1a probably circa 1870-1876 shows the triangular shape enclosed by the now Briton Ferry (main) Road across the top section with Crythan Road branching-off towards the bottom, the two joined by Payne Street.

The rear three cottages covered the full-width of the property; no chapel is shown in fig.1a due to this plan being taken at the time of later rebuilding during 1870/1. The chapel itself, fig.1b was a basic rectangular shape with steps leading to the front although the quality of the plan does not allow a view across the whole front though subsequent comments imply these steps were relatively steep.

The chapel was officially opened during April 1860 and named ‘Hope’, the three rear premises were known as ‘Hope Cottages’ with the opening of a Sunday School at the chapel soon after. While some later comments make it unclear if the schoolroom was attached to the chapel or an off-site premises the former is more consistent with the original intention possibly a lean-to at the rear of the chapel. Although a documented photograph, fig.2 purports to show this first chapel the surrounding buildings/features and the build itself do not corroborate the claim although it may well be one of the many local chapels being built during the same period.

Figure 2 Photograph ascribed (incorrectly?) as ‘Hope Chapel, Melyncryddan, 1859’

The two Bible Christian houses and adjoining premises would basically remain from that time in the same form as they appear today. The 1861 census detailed all three ‘Hope Cottages, 1-3’ as occupied. The two front houses were occupied by Hannah Rodd (Head), 58 yrs, ‘Bible Christian Ministers Wife’ at No.6 Brecon Terrace (larger house), the property schedule then listing ‘Hope Chapel – Bible Christians Chapel’, the other front (smaller) house being occupied by the Jones family.

By 1867 plans were being considered to ‘...remove the inconvenient steps leading to the entrance and substitute a gradual ascent from the road and to obviate the difficulty of the doors opening into the chapel by erecting a lobby outside.’ Finances were not considered suitable at that time and the plans were shelved although revived a few years later.

1871 Chapel Rebuild

By 1869 congregation sizes were such that they would typically fill the chapel on special occasions but the number could not be accommodated comfortably due to the ‘smallness’ of the premises, enlargement now a priority. The next steps were proved significant: ‘Accordingly a trustee and elders’ meeting was held on June 2nd, 1870, and after several suggestions were made relative to the best method of procedure, it was decided that the building was so awkwardly situated behind two houses, the space between them being too narrow to admit of its being brought forward to the street without destroying the houses, thereby cutting off the income, the Rev. T. Thomas, architect, of Landore, should be asked to inspect the building. He suggested that a small piece of land should be purchased on the south side of the chapel and a transept built, the school-room destroyed, the entrance to be even with the street, with end and transept galleries.’

Consent was subsequently given by both the local Bible Christian Chapel Committee and their leaders at the annual Conference. A grant of £100 (*£9,221) was provided with additional funds of £50 (*£4,610) promised by the congregation. A total of £200 (*£18,442) was soon raised locally, specifications and plans drawn-up and the work put to tender. A plan, fig.3 shows some detail circa 1920 although apart from the schoolroom at the rear (built 1886, see later) the main body of the chapel would not have changed significantly in the meantime.

In July 1870 the trustees approved Rev. Thomas’ plan with the contract subsequently granted to Mr. John Thomas, Neath for £572-10-0 (*£52,835). The 1877 OS plan, fig.4 shows the location of Hope Chapel and some details of the interior e.g. ‘Bible Christian, Seating for 500’.

To ensure transept symmetry the recommended small portion of land had been obtained. The 1871 census again lists the three ’Chapel Cottages’ as occupied, the ‘Hope Chapel, Bible Christian’ was now No.17 Briton Ferry Road with No.16 (previously No.6 Brecon Terrace) occupied by Mary Allin (Head) plus six children (Robert, Mary, William, Richard (later of ‘Allin’s Stores’), Annie and Thomas); although the eldest child Elizabeth Caroline was not present she would feature on later censuses – all originally from the Devon area. Others present at the same household included two Solicitor General Clerks plus a lodger i.e. Bible Christian Minister William Oates, again, all originally from Devon – a whole house still linked to the origin locality of the ministry!

In July 1871 the forthcoming still re-opening of the chapel was announced (The Brecon County Times, 8/7/1871) reporting that the ’edifice has been entirely re-modelled and is now one of the neatest ornamental buildings in the locality.’ and was planned with great fanfare for Thursday July 13, 1871.

A comprehensive description of the chapel stated : ‘The chapel is almost new; only portions of the side-walls of the old building remain, one of which had to be slated to keep it dry; the transept is well built, the front is of limestone, with freestone dressings, a fine prominent window in the centre, with two smaller ones. The roof is new, and well laid with best Carmarthen slate, the ceiling relieved with light stained woodwork, and supplied with means for ample ventilation; the galleries are stained with light varnish, the front is light, with hollow iron panels pained white slightly relieved, and furnished with an excellent clock. The entrance is all that can be desired, a well lighted lobby paved with ornamental tiles, with doors leading to the chapel and galleries. In the area the floor is new, the walls have been battened round, the old seats properly divided, and supplied with book-boards and hat-rails, the whole capped with mahogany, and grained to correspond. A platform pulpit supplied with chairs, handsome cushion, Bible and hymn book. A number of windows admit a plentiful supply of light in every part of the building, and at evening services it is brilliantly lighted with one centre and two transept star burners, with pendents for week-night services; a fine-toned harmonium, with an elegant sacramental service, complete the furniture. The whole presents a chaste and beautiful appearance, capable of accommodating four hundred and fifty persons. The work is well done.’ The front of the property circa 1929 is shown in fig.5a with an associated sketch circa 1920 more clearly showing some of the inscribed detail, fig.5b.

Note that the date inscribed ‘1859’ above the entrance reflects the date of the original chapel on the site, not the rebuild of 1871, fig.6 circa 1929 showing the side elevation facing Payne Street. The transept is seen to have an apex and four windows fig.6a with a large window between the transept and front of chapel clearly visible, fig.6b. Immediately behind the chapel is the later-built schoolroom (see later).

The original (front) side-walls still remain as seen in fig.7 with the faint outline of the side window between the outhouse and transept also shown for comparison with fig.6b albeit on the opposite side of the building.

Following both the initial chapel registration on July 24, 1871 permitting worship and the obligatory one-year use, the certificate of worship and solemnising of marriages was provided on June 22, 1872; final official registration at Somerset House, London was on June 26, 1872. While contributions to the chapel and school were obviously welcomed not all were accepted. In 1876 it was reported (The Lyttelton Times, 8/8/1876) that the Neath Licensed Victuallers Association had their donation of 10/0d (*£45) returned with the reply from the minister J. Luke ‘I cannot...accept money voted by an Association representing a trade so antagonistic to the object of which Sunday schools are established.’ For what was to be the final time, the 1881 census again listed the three rented ’Chapel Cottages’ as occupied. The census of 1881 documented Richard Routledge and wife Matilda at the now renumbered 83 Briton Ferry Road (smaller house) and Mary Allin plus Elizabeth, Mary, William and Anne at no.84 (larger house).

1886 Building of Schoolroom

The year 1886 saw the final significant change to the chapel buildings up to which point it had lacked a schoolroom for the children (The Bridgend Chronicle, 5/3/1886, 30/4/1886). Following plans and specifications being drawn-up by the architect Mr. Daniel Davies of Windsor Road and approved by Neath Urban Council early March saw a tender agreed with the builder Mr. D. Morgan of Alexander Road. The plan was to remove the three cottages at the rear of the chapel and build a brand new facility across the full-width originally occupied by the cottages. The total footprint would include a ‘...vestry, boiler-house and other out-houses. Two class-rooms will be formed at one end by the erection of movable partitions, to be taken down for larger meetings etc.’ On April 26, 1886 memorial stones were laid. The new schoolroom is shown in fig.8 being largely separated from the chapel apart from a narrow access area and covering the entire width of the site – it was substantial!

In 1891 the two chapel houses were occupied i.e. David Mort with wife Mary at No. 83 Briton Ferry Road (smaller house) and the sisters Elizabeth and Annie Allin remaining as the only occupants of the larger house at No.84. The 1901 census listed David and Mary Mort now at No.83 with Elizabeth, Annie and Elsie Allin (niece) at No.84. In 1903 the tenant details consisted of those who would remain at the two houses whilst the chapel was in use by the Bible Christians with William Allin and wife Elizabeth replacing the Mort family at No.83 - brother and sister now occupying the houses either-side of the chapel front.

While the rebuilding of 1871 alleviated the issue of the increasing congregation at that time the numbers thereafter continued to improve.  Further enhancements to meet these ongoing needs were frequently discussed. Options included bringing the front closer to the main road since the chapel was considered ‘well-nigh hidden from view’ due to its location behind the two houses either-side of the entrance. However, it appears the major problem was with the issue of ‘ancient lights’ i.e. the right of a building or house owner to the light received from and through their windows whereby no obstruction was permitted to be constructed if the windows had been used for at least 20 years. As such the only realistic option for enlargement was to purchase and remove the buildings on the corner of Briton Ferry Road/Payne Street to the south-west i.e. the two premises adjacent to one of the original chapel houses at the front, fig.8. This was not pursued due to the likely cost being considered prohibitive.

During September 1907 the union of three Methodist Churches was consummated – the M.N.C. (Methodist New Connexion), the U.M.F.C. (United Methodist Free Church), and the B.C.M. (Bible Christian Movement) – these now constituting the ‘United Methodist Church’ with the building of a new single place of worship commencing in 1913 at a cost of £5,800 (*£528,631); the foundation stone ceremony was held on November 20 that year with the church, latterly known as ‘Windsor Square’ opening for worship on September 3, 1914. An agreement had already been reached in April 1911 to sell the chapel, schoolroom and both houses with a committee established to action this resolution. During this period the house occupants registered in the 1911 census were William Allin and wife at No.83 with Elizabeth, Annie and Elsie Allin at No.84.

Although this period ended services at Hope the building was to later find further uses - while these deserve their own substantial article a summary is provided below.

Chapel Post-closure

The schoolroom was let to ‘Melincrythan Boy Scouts’ in April 1916. However, about 15 months later in early 1918 there was a report of considerable damage caused by the scouts to both schoolroom and chapel, resulting in the agreement being terminated. The ‘Cecil Street Mission’ rented the schoolroom from May 1918 and from June the ‘Salvation Army’ rented the chapel, these arrangements remaining up to the sale of the buildings in June 1919. The premises remained unsold until in 1919 Richard Allin offered £1,750 (*£71,375) explaining that members of his family had occupied the premises for over 50 years and they were anxious regarding tenancy. Further, he promised that if he should subsequently make a profit on any sale then that would be donated to the new Windsor Square church trust. Allin’s offer was accepted. Shortly after it appears the smaller of the two houses No.83 was sold along with the chapel and schoolroom on September 29, 1919 for the sum of £1,500 (*£59,998) to the ‘Gnoll Picture & Variety Co. Ltd’. Richard Allin retained the larger house No.84 which was still occupied by two of his sisters and their niece. It is unclear why the other smaller house as then rented by his brother William was sold at that time.

On November 10, 1919 Neath Urban Council approved the new owners’ plan to convert the former chapel to a ‘Picture House’ and the schoolroom to a ‘Billiard Hall’ subject to adequate ventilation of both premises and approval of the Police. For reasons unknown these plans were not implemented. Subsequently, on March 31, 1920 ownership was transferred to ‘The Eagle Tinplate Co. Ltd’ for £2,500 (*£86,558) on condition they would not use the premises as a ‘Public Picture House or Theatre for the purpose of pecuniary gain.’ It is claimed that around this time Alderman F.W. Gibbins had proposed that the premises could be used as a Youth Club under the supervision of the Borough Police.  In 1921 William was recorded as a widower while still at No.83 and in No.84 remained Elizabeth with Annie and also Elsie who was now described as a bookkeeper employed by her uncle ‘Richard Allin, Provision Merchant, Wind Street.’

Ownership of the site was once more transferred, this time from ‘The Eagle Tinplate Co. Ltd. & its Liquidator’ to ‘Baldwins Ltd’ on July 15, 1929. Richard Allin, now of 11 Gnoll Road, was still the owner of the remaining larger house with an agreement later documented on February 2, 1934 for alterations to the old chapel premises impinging on part of Allin’s property. Elizabeth Allin died in 1930 while residing at No.84 Briton Ferry Road; William was still at No.83 in October 1931, Annie and Elsie remaining at No.84. In October 1932 William was now recorded as living at No.84 with his sister Annie although Elsie was by now not at these premises; William died in 1933. The ownership of the larger house post-1934 remains unclear, Richard Allin himself having died on April 24 1937 (The Guardian, 30/4/1937). Annie was still a resident of No.84 in 1939 being described as ‘incapacitated’ but there is no record of her living at these premises in 1945 although date of death has not been found.

It is claimed that with considerable local support, eventually the property was rented for a nominal fee by the newly-formed ‘Neath Boys’ Club’ which opened in 1931 and become affiliated to the ‘South Wales Federation of Boys Clubs’ by 1934 following extensive modifications to the interior. The objects of the club were described in its Constitution as ‘...to promote the mental physical and social welfare and education in its most widest and liberal interpretation of Boys normally resident in the Borough of Neath’. ‘Baldwins Ltd. and others’ then transferred ownership to ‘Eaglesbush Tinplate Works Ltd.’ on April 4, 1935 and the rental continued. It was reported (Western Mail & South Wales News, 4/5/1934) that a ‘New Boys’ Club’ would be opened by Lord Plymouth on May 5, 1934 at the ‘Old Bible Christian Chapel’ on Briton Ferry Road, fig.9 showing the outline of the club in 1935 and later circa 1986 probably as it would have originally appeared with the rebuilt chapel frontage of 1871 still prominent.  

On February 25, 1949 Eaglesbush Tinplate Works provided by deed of gift the premises to Neath Boys Club trustees. July 13, 1990 saw the playing-field land known as the ‘Galv’ on which local football teams including the Boys’ Club had enjoyed playing since the end of the Second World War sold to the trustees for £1000 (*£2,216) along with a nearby small piece of associated land. In December that year a grant of £150,000 (*£332,344) was awarded by the Welsh Office to build a new headquarters on the old chapel site. Apart from the side walls the old building was demolished in 1991, fig.10a. The ‘new’ building was reopened on February 3, 1992, shown as viewed in 2022, fig.10b. Although girls had been allowed on the premises since 1989 they were admitted as full-time members from 1992 and the name changed to ‘Neath Boys’ and Girls’ Club’. Note the change of arched sign at the entrance.

At present the club is officially closed and requires investment for remedial work in order to re-open, a number of volunteers once again undertaking hard work to raise sufficient funds – a theme which goes as far back as the original chapel.

Concluding Remarks

The somewhat strange architectural construction of both the early and present Neath Boys’ and Girls’ Club has existed for over 160 years originating with Hope chapel thereafter to potential cinema to current (re) use as the club and remains as testament to an early part of the history of Melincrythan. Two side sections of the existing building originate from 1859 and while the remaining structure has seen many changes the outline is basically that of the rebuilt chapel of 1871.

With such a rich local history let us ‘Hope’ the current use is once more extended to continue providing the community of Melincrythan both with support and as a place of sanctuary for whatever reason as intended by the original owners and builders, the Bible Christians.

Main Sources of Reference

“The Bible Christian Magazine – a continuation of the Arminian magazine”; Bible Christians, 1852-1885; Bodleian Library, Oxford

 “Chronicles – A United Methodist Souvenir - Neath & Skewen 1929”; J. Brooks Taylor, Neath Antiquarian Society Library

 “The Bible Christian Movement”; Alan Hayward, Neath Antiquarian Society Transactions, 2000-2001

“Pennies for Heaven – A century of Windsor Square Methodist Church”; John Southard, Publ. Bryngold Books, 2014

“The Bible Christians in Neath Port Talbot – An Historical Overview”; Ann Swindale, 2015

“Melin Memories”; Rita Williams, Publ. Bryngold Books, 2010

Neath Antiquarian Society Records, Neath

West Glamorgan Archive Service Records, Swansea

Newspaper Articles as shown

National Library of Wales

‘Neath Boys’ Club’ Records

‘Britain From Above’; Aerial photography

Google Maps

National Library of Scotland

Census Records 1841-1921

Electoral Roll Records 1931-1945

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