06 Mar 1939 Clay (3)
6th March, 1939
MR. CLAY'S STATEMENT
ON BEHALF OF BAROTSE
1894. Shinde's visit to Lealui.
In 1894 Shinde came down to Lealui and was present at the dedication of the Mission Church. It is curious that the passage describing the arrival of Shinde and his reception is not in the French version and it must remain problematical whether the description in the English version is a contemporary account or was written later from memory. According to Coillard, Shinde had "put himself under the protection of Lewanika, whose suzerainty he recognises." Whether a chief admits suzerainty of a greater chief or not should be obvious to the close observer, and I cannot believe that Shinde could have come in as an independent chief when the Malozi and Coillard himself were regarding him as a vassal. It is not denied that Shinde was a powerful chief, but there is no doubt that other chiefs such as Mwenechiengele and Mwenemutondo also take their drums and serimbas when visiting Lealui. Probably at that time Shinde was the most important vassal under Lewanika's suzerainty, and the fact that they had fought a successful war together would affect his reception at Lealui. But without Lewanika's immediate aid in 1892, Shinde and his people would have been completely overwhelmed by the Lovale.
1895. Coillard's visit to Shinde & Kakenge.
In the next year, 1895, Coillard went up river to Shinde and thence to Kakenge. Shinde was then living 44 miles north of the Kabompo at the place in which he had been settled by Lewanika. Coillard says (and again this appears only in the English version), "he had fled from a territory claimed by the Portuguese to Lewanika's country and under his protection to shelter himself from Portuguese slave hunters, blacks and mulattoes." This is the first written evidence that the land under dispute was Lewanika's country, and it is untainted by any wish, on the part of the writer at the time he wrote, to extend Lewanika's country as far as possible so as to claim as much as possible from the Portuguese. It may be said that the information was derived from Malozi sources, but it is at least likely that this was checked, and confirmed by Shinde himself. Coillard was
writing for his Mission and for those interested not in politics but in Mission endeavour. Coillard, before reaching Shinde's village,came to Sionda, whom he describes in the English version as a prefect and in the French as a "gouverneur". This Sionda was of course the man sent up to arrange about tribute and was Lewanika's representativ to Chikalakanyovo Shinde (p.605).
At Shinde's village Coillard found 20 head of cattle given him by Lewanika. It is at least as likely that Coillard was told this by Shinde as by the Malozi with him. About 3 days later Coillard reached the village of Mosandungu, whom he describes as a Lovale chief and the principal chief against whom the Barotse waged that disastrous war four years ago. He had made his submission since then; and in accordance with the orders of Lewanika, his suzerain, he had recently come to establish himself where he now is. Apparently
there were only 6 huts in his village (p.606).
On the Kapako Coillard came to Chief Binyama living with many villages.
At length Coillard reached Kakenge's and was received with great discourtesy. Yet he says (p.610), "Kakenge is a vassal whom Lewanika has just invested with his authority. Later he says that Kakenge "wanted to know what I meant by coming into his country with a band of Barotse without his permission and without even warning him." Another quotation from Coillard (p.612) says, "There is a certain chief up that way, named Kalipa, whom Lewanika had deposed in favour of the present Kakenge." No doubt but for the arrival of the first white officials, steps would have been taken to deal with Kakenge.
With regard to the passage about blood-brotherhood on p.612 of Coillard's book, I need only remark that the tribe of Coillard's men who had made blood-brotherhood is not stated and that he certainly had Mambowe with him and possibly Balovale as well.
Harding and Hill Gibbons.
After Coillard and towards the end of the 19th century, 2 more Europeans passed through the area under dispute and have left records of their journeys. These men were Colonel Colin
Harding and Major Hill Gibbons. Before their arrival the Portuguese had visited Kakenge about 1896 and had built a fort there and encouraged Kakenge to look for their support. Lewanika then protested against their coming into his country.
There is little that I wish to quote from Hill Gibbon and in fact much of what he says that is relevant appears to be inaccurate in that neither party in the present dispute has put forward an account of the events to which he refers. The passages which follow are all supported by the testimonies of Malozi or other witnesses.
Vol. I, p.146: 'Certainly today the Aakaunde and Malunda tribute provides Lewanika with his main supply of ivory." This is supported as regards Lunda tribute in ivory, but not as regards the words "main supply"
Vol II, p.5: "From 14° 48' south latitude to 14° 10' the river banks are inhabited by the Mamboi, who are, I imagine, direct descendants of the original inhabitants of the plain. The map shows that the boundary between Lovale and Mambowe was north of the Lungwevungu.
P.10: "The relations of this tribe (the Lovale) to their Paramount Chief, Lewanika, have been the source of much trouble of late." The account which follows is completely unsupported by any other testimony and I shall therefore omit.
I wish here to correct the impression given on p.6 of the Malozi statement handed to the Commission. Under the heading "Note", it is said that Captain Quick crossed the Mombezi where it joins the Kabompo. From a study of the map there is no doubt that this is a different Mombezi from the one in the Balovale district and that therefore any statement based on this misconception is misleading Captain Quick evidently passed through the northern edge of the Lukwa kwa sphere of influence, and we are not now concerned with that area.
Colonel Harding's book is of greater importance than Major Hill-Gibbons because he twice quotes important words said and several times gives direct evidence of what he has seen which is of value.
On p.64 he meets Masungundungu, whom he calls one of the principal chiefs in the Balovale district, and who must obviously be the ancestor of Ndungu. He describes this man as wearing a flounced skirt and a bodice. This is an admirable description of the Barotse national dress, which dates from before the arrival of European traders in the country. This was not the Lovale customary dress and shows that Ndungu was aping the Malozi, and I submit tends to show that he was under Malozi influence.
On p.66 Ndungu addresses the phonograph which had reproduced Lewanika's voice, as follows, "My heart is as your heart, my people are your people. I rejoice like you in being under the great White Queen; my heart is glad that I am her child."
P.67 describes a quarrel between Ndungu and Kakenge.
Ndungu sent a messenger to Lewanika praying for help and another to Kakenge to try and pacify him. "We had met the one bound for Lealui and told him to return," says Harding. Here is direct evidence that Ndungu was appealing for Lewanika's help against Kakenge and leaves little doubt that Ndungu, having submitted to Lewanika after the 1892 war and moved into the country claimed as Lewanika's, was now looking to him for support against Kakenge.
On p.79 we learn that there was a Fort at Kakenge's village.
On p.83 we come to another quotation, in this case of words of Kakenge. He spoke as follows: "I am a child of Lewanika, I am your child. I look to Lewanika, who made me Kakenge, so I must be his child and to no-one else do I look. Only the Balunda people do I dislike because they convey to the king lies and words of falsehood about me."
On p.85 Harding says of Kakenge that in the presence of witnesses he had spoken freely of his loyalty and subjection to Lewanika. Certainly the words spoken give that impression. However, from the descriptions of Kakenge in both Hill-Gibbons' and Harding's books, it is obvious that he was usually drunk and that his desire for liquor made him favour either Portuguese or British, whichever he thought he could get the most valuable presents from.
Two other small passages may be quoted. P.92, "Before my departure for Lealui I met several of Kalipa's men, who had brought presents and tribute to Lewanika from their local chief." This constant travelling to Lealui by Balovale natives, apart from being strong proof in itself that they were tributary, increases the like-lihood that numbers of Balovale could speak Sikololo and that if there were any mistakes made by Harding's interpreter some of the bystanders would have corrected him. As Kakenge's loyalty was to some extent suspect, the followers of most of these early travellers went to Kakenge's with considerable trepidation, and it seems most improbable that the interpreter would risk his and their lives by deliberate false interpretation.
Finally, on p.124, Harding says that SHinde "is a recognised chief of Lewanika's."
Early Concessions & letters up to 1900.
It is now necessary to go back and consider the contact made with the outside world and with the British Government and B.S.A.Co. in particular. In 1889 Ware obtained the Batoka Concession. Through the efforts of Coillard, a treaty was made through Lochner on behalf of the B.S.A.Co. in 1890. In exchange for mining rights from Victoria Falls as far as the Zambesi-Congo watershed, the Company engaged to defend the country from outside attack and to send a representative to Lealui. However, the first Resident did not arrive until 1897.
By the letter signed by H. Currey as acting Secretary of the B.S.A.Co. to Lewanika and dated at Cape Town Sept. 22nd 1891. Lewanika was informed that "The Queen's Government will recognise all engagements entered into by this Company....so long as they are faithfully executed by the other parties to them".
On March 20th, 1896, Lewanika wrote to Dr.Jameson and enclosed a copy of his letter to the Commandant of the Portuguese force encamped at Kakenge's, in which he protested against Lheir invasion of the country which belonged to him and which he had placed under the protection of the Queen of Great Britain through the officers
of the B.S.A.Company. Lewanika's actual letter cannot of course be produced, but the answer of Grey to it from Bulawayo of Oct.12th,1896, makes quite clear the fact that in 1896 Lewanika claimed that the Portuguese by camping at Kakenge's were invading country which belonged to him. This protest in writing is of particular interest and value because it was made before there was any question of extending the British sphere of influence against the Portuguese, and it shows that Lewanika honestly considered that the country was his and that the B.S.A.Company, as representing the Queen, should assist him in repelling the Portuguese. Grey assured him that he would receive -all proper support and protection in every way , but that he must not do anything to disturb the peace of the country. In October, 1896, Major Goold-Adams went up to Balovale to examine the Barotse claims to the country. He was accompanied by Mwanasilundu, Noyoo and Mwanamuke.
Coryndon arrived as Resident in 1897 and wrote a letter to Lewanika on 25th October in which he reminded him that he had given a concession but that he had not sold his country, and that the Company would not interfere with the internal affairs or customs of his country.
On 25th June, 1898, a meeting was held at Victoria Falls before Sir Arthur Lawley, and agreements were signed. The Malozi claim that, having no lawyer to represent them, they were "actively deceived". They also claim that the £200 agreed upon by Ware and the £2,000 by Lochner were not paid.
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